Dossier - Chinese Whispers - CWR Staff - Catholic World Report

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While the rumor mill hinted at a possible breakthrough in diplomatic talks between Rome
and Beijing, the Chinese government took a direct slap at the authority of the Holy See.

In December a newspaper in Hong Kong reported that the Holy See and the government of China were likely to strike a diplomatic accord before the end of the year. But the Vatican denied the report, saying that there was “no new development” in contacts with Beijing.

The South China Morning Post reported on December 15 that the Vatican and the Chinese government would enter into an agreement establishing “mutual recognition” before the arrival of the new year. That agreement, the newspaper added, would pave the way to full formal diplomatic relations.

However, Vatican spokesman Joaquin Navarro-Valls told reporters that there was “nothing new” in relations with China. In a news release put out by the Vatican press office, Navarro-Valls advised reporters that the situation had not substantially changed since October, when—in answer to persistent questions—he had told reporters that the Holy See hoped for better relations with China, but that no dramatic new developments were expected.

Chinese officials also denied that a diplomatic accord is imminent. They stressed the two conditions that Beijing has consistently cited as necessary for such a pact: the Vatican must break off diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and must agree not to “interfere” in internal Chinese affairs, including those that involve religious issues. The Vatican has been unwilling to fulfill those conditions—particularly the second condition, which implicitly denies the authority of the Holy See over the universal Church.

The article in the South China Morning Post might have been deliberately designed to provoke an official response from Beijing and the Holy See, one Vatian source speculated. While there had been no official news regarding diplomatic contacts, in recent days there had been signs of movement toward rapprochement between Rome and Beijing.

Early in December, in a message addressed to all Chinese Catholics in preparation for the Jubilee, Pope John Paul II issued an appeal for all Catholics to work and pray for reconciliation between the government-sponsored Patriotic Catholic Association and the underground Church loyal to Rome. And the Fides news service revealed that the leaders of the Patriotic Church have published the papal bull setting forth the indulgences that can be obtained during the Holy Year. Fides also reported that some bishops recognized by the Patriotic Church were making plans to celebrate the Jubilee—and thus to recognize the leadership of the Holy Father—apparently with the tacit approval, or at least acquiescence, of the Beijing government.

On December 23, the French newspaper Figaro reported “very advanced” talks between the Vatican and the Chinese government on the prospects for diplomatic relations. But again Navarro-Valls dismissed that report, saying that there was “nothing new” in Vatican relations with Beijing.

The Italian newspaper Il Messaggero reported on January 4 that the Vatican appeared willing to submit the nomination of bishops to the government for approval—an arrangement which has been followed with other Communist countries. But the Vatican will not accept the continued independence of a Patriotic Church subject to the control of the Communist Party, the newspaper reported.

Diplomatic relations between China and the Vatican were broken off in 1951, when the papal nuncio—Archbishop Antonio Riberi—was expelled from mainland China, and forced to seek refuge in Taiwan. Since that time, a papal nuncio has continued to serve in Taiwan—although the Vatican has hinted that he would be transferred quickly to Beijing if a diplomatic agreement were reached.

However, just a few days after being forced to disclaim rumors about an imminent diplomatic accord, the Vatican spokesman was expressing “astonishment” and “disappointment” at the news that three Chinese bishops would be ordained for the government-approved Patriotic Catholic Association without the approval of the Holy See.

Navarro-Valls acknowledged that the unilateral move by the Patriotic Church would come at a time when “voices have been raised on several fronts” suggesting the possibility of a move toward normalization of relations. But the ordination of new bishops for the Patriotic Church, which rejects ties with the Holy See, would “create obstacles which would certainly block such a development,” Navarro-Valls said.

(Pressed to identify the “voices” which Navarro-Valls cited as predicting moves toward diplomatic relations between Rome and Beijing, Vatican officials insisted that those “voices” were coming from China.)

The ordination of bishops without the consent of the Pope was not a new development in China; it had been done regularly within the Patriotic Church since the government established that body in 1957. But the new ordinations were scheduled to be performed in Beijing, amid considerable fanfare, rather than being performed quietly in the individual dioceses. Vatican sources saw that move as a direct challenge. The Chinese slap at the Vatican was particularly clear since the unauthorized episcopal ordinations would take place on January 6—the very day when Pope John Paul II himself would ordain 12 new bishops in St. Peter’s Basilica.

Curiously, just one day after the report that the Patriotic Church would ordain three bishops, Anthony Liu Bainian—the secretary general of the Catholic Patriotic Association—announced that there would be five men ordained to the episcopate. The sudden shift in plans was seen as evidence that the Beijing government was putting pressure on the Patriotic Church.

The government had originally planned the ordination of 12 bishops, to mimic the ordination of the same number of bishops in Rome on that same day. But because the ordination was clearly seen as an affront to Rome, nine of the government’s original candidates for episcopal office had refused to be ordained, Fides reported. One said he “had problems”; another entered a plea of illness. It was not clear whether the government subsequently convinced two of those men to accept episcopal ordination, or whether two new nominees were added to the list.

One group of priests of the Patriotic Church criticized the announcement of new episcopal ordinations, saying that the move would “put the Chinese Church in a dangerous position of schism.” A priest in Beijing added that the government’s decision to go ahead with the ordinations, despite the popular protest, provides clear evidence that “the official Church is not free.” He told Fides: “Anyway, we remain with the Pope, and disapprove of this gesture.”

Yet another Chinese priest added: “These ordinations are only a political move—simply political. The government only wants to reaffirm its position, according to which the Vatican should not interfere in China’s internal affairs, including even religious affairs.”

Meanwhile, the government tightened security in and around the country’s oldest Catholic church as it prepared for the ceremony. The ordinations were set in the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception in the Nantang section of Beijing. That church, built in 1655, burned down in 1900, and was rebuilt in 1904. It is generally understood to be a stronghold of the Patriotic Church, with the government keeping a careful eye on all activities there. Prior to the ordination ceremony, police warned foreign journalists that they could not take photographs inside the cathedral.

The carefully orchestrated ordinations proceeded on schedule—although, for reasons that no reporter could explain, the hour of the ceremony was moved forward to 7am. But what had been planned as a gesture of defiance toward Rome turned out to be “a washout,” according to sources inside Beijing who spoke (under condition of anonymity) to Fides reporters. The Fides sources indicated that the event had widened the gap that separates most Chinese Catholics from the government-approved leadership of the Patriotic Association.

Without exception, the 130 seminarians enrolled in the national seminary in Beijing refused to attend the episcopal ordinations, Fides reported. After attending compulsory rehearsals, the students voted to boycott the ceremony. They issued a statement saying that “the so-called ordination is against the principles of the faith and against the Catholic Church.” After relaying that statement to the leaders of the Patriotic Association, the seminary students confided to a Fides representative that they now fear “pressure and even persecution” from the government. They issued an appeal to the West: “Please pray for us and for the universal Church in solidarity with us.”

Sources in Beijing say that no more than 200 people attended the ceremony at the Nantang cathedral, whereas an ordinary Sunday Mass in the same building regularly draws at least 400 people. At other times, priestly ordinations have been attended by thousands of Catholic faithful. One Fides source who attended the ceremony said that the atmosphere was somber—”like that of a funeral rather than an ordination.” The tension surrounding the ceremony was made manifest in the behavior of the participants, which the Fides source described as “remote and passive.” Just before the consecration, one cleric tripped, spilling the chalice of wine.

The five newly ordained bishops were all reportedly under heavy pressure to accept episcopal ordination—pressure which seven other nominees had resisted. One of the younger candidates admitted to an acquaintance, “the pressure was strong, and I am weak.”

Among the mainland Chinese bishops who remain in communion with Rome, none would issue a public comment on the new ordinations. However, Bishop Joseph Zen Nekiun of Hong Kong observed that the ordinations fall neatly into the plans set forth by the Chinese government in a new secret document calling for stricter Communist Party control of the Catholic Church and the Chinese bishops. Those government plans were contained in a secret document which was made public in November 1999. [See accompanying story.]

End of an era?

Speaking to national leaders of the Religious Affairs Bureau in January, Chinese Prime Minster Zhu Rongji said the Communist Party would maintain its policy regarding religions in order “to guarantee political stability.” At the same meeting, held in the Great Hall of the People on January 11, Ismail Amat, a Muslim representative, suggested a still more aggressive policy in the fight against “hostile Western and local forces that use religion in order to infiltrate the country.”

This strong affirmation of Communist Party policy came a few days after the flight to India of one of the three most important leaders of Tibetan Buddhism, and after Catholic clergy and faithful boycotted a Patriotic Church episcopal ordination in Beijing.

Ugyen Trinley Dorje, aged 15, was recognized in 1992 as “Karmapa Lama”—a key figure in the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy—by both the Dalai Lama and the Beijing government. According to Tashi Wangdi, a Tibetan Buddhist leader who lives in exile in India, the boy fled Tibet, making a dangerous winter crossing of the Himalayas, because of “the harsh living conditions in Tibet, the arrests of monks, and the grave violations of human rights.” (The Chinese government had issued a statement claiming: “The Karmapa Lama has gone to India to retrieve some musical instruments and a sacred headdress which is required for his religious functions.”

Many observers say the flight of the Karmapa Lama reflects a new severity in the Chinese government’s policy toward religious groups. A minister of the exiled Tibetan government speaks of “a return to the times of the Cultural Revolution,” when priests, nuns, and monks were dragged through the streets, arrested, put in prison, and killed, and monasteries and churches destroyed or turned into warehouses. Information cited by the Washington Post indicates that in recent months China has increased pressure on underground Protestant and Catholic communities, arresting about 100 leaders of six Protestant sects and causing the disappearance of dozens of Catholic priests. But the battle is even more fierce against the Falun Gong movement, a mixture of Buddhism and Taoism which has gained enormous popularity in China. China’s President Jiang Zemin says the fight against Falun Gong is one of the Party’s three priorities at the dawning of a new millennium.

The editor of one Chinese daily, who insists on remaining anonymous, reports that the Chinese Communist Party leaders believe that they are living through the end of a dynasty. In the history of China, the crisis of a dynasty has always been marked by the birth of apocalyptic sects and new religions, which eventually led to the overthrow of the regime. The spread of these religions is therefore seen by Chinese leaders as a sign that Communist ideology has reached the end of the road. n —Fides News Agency