Bishop Malcolm Ranjit of Ratnapura was honored by the Sri Lankan government in April for his efforts “to create ethnic harmony and national integration.” In a candid interview, Bishop Ranjit—a Sinhala by birth —speaks out on behalf of the Church on the 17-year-old ethnic conflict that has crippled the island nation in the Indian ocean. Since 1983, LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam) has been waging a civil war in Sri Lanka against the domination of the Sinhalese-speaking Buddhist majority. More than 100,000 people have been killed in the conflict in which nearly one fifth of Sri Lanka—Tamil majority areas in northern and eastern parts—remain under the control of LTTE rebels. The majority Buddhists are exclusively Sinhalese-speaking and based in the south, accounting for 70 percent of the 18 million people of Sri Lanka. The Tamil-speaking population that accounts for less than 20 percent of the population is predominantly Hindu. Amid such deep ethnic divides based on religion, the 1.3-million strong Christian community—90 percent of them Catholics—remains the only community that has a strong presence both among Sinhala and Tamil peoples.

How do you look at the latest Norwegian peace initiative to bring the parties to the conflict to the negotiation table?

Bishop Malcom Ranjit: It is a positive development. Our experience of the past 10-15 years is that all direct dialogue has failed because of intense suspicion prevalent on both sides. In such a situation, it is not easy to hold direct talks. The situation has become very complicated in the last five or six years after heavy fighting. So, it requires a very skilled approach. We are happy about the Norwegian initiative. The Catholic bishops have publicly welcomed the Norwegian initiative.

How does the Church try to make her contribution toward peace and harmony?

Ranjit: As far as the Church is concerned, we are actively involved in trying to facilitate greater interaction between the two communities. There is lot of room for an intermediary role for Christians since we have Catholics both among Sinhala and Tamils. In my Ratnapura diocese, we have a 50-50 presence of Sinhala and Tamil Catholics.

All our services are bilingual. Ordinations, diocesan celebrations and other important events are all bilingual with Tamil and Sinhala together. We want to ensure that at least in the Church, we try to practice the equality, justice, and charity we preach.

Three of the 11 Catholic dioceses in Sri Lanka are Tamil majority while the rest are Sinhala majority. But when the bishops’ conference speaks out, we speak in one voice.

It is where the Christian community has something to offer—its capacity to override racial differences and unite in the name of Jesus. That testimony of ethnic unity in the Church holds hope for the nation. If Christianity can perfectly merge people of two cultures, why cannot the Sinhala and Tamil people live in peace as a nation?

Is there a religious dimension to the ethnic divide?

Ranjit: Yes. Unfortunately, in our country, religion and race have become intermingled with cultural differences contributing to division. The fact that Buddhists are Sinhala and Hindus are Tamils is very unfortunate. It would have been very much different if the Tamils had a community of Buddhists and, similarly, Sinhala people had a community of Hindus.

There are reports that influential Buddhist monks have scuttled the peace initiatives. To what extent are ordinary Buddhists opposed to a negotiated settlement of the conflict?

Ranjit: We have lived in a Buddhist context for ages. According to the teachings of the Buddha, nonviolence, understanding, and compassion are noble principles. Buddhism has never condoned violence in the past—even if Christianity has condoned it.

As far as the religion question is concerned now, unfortunately we find contradictory positions being formulated. Some statements made by [Buddhist] religious leaders are contrary to negotiation, advocating annihilation of the other side. For me, this is a kind of a scandal.

But, I should point out they are a minority. The common crowd—Sinhala villagers—are predominantly Buddhist people who prefer to live in peace. They do not like bloodshed and murder. From my interaction with all sorts of people at the grass roots, it is my strong feeling that the majority of Buddhists do not want war. They want a negotiated peaceful settlement where they can live in harmony and peace.

What is the impact of the recent escalation of war in Jaffna on the peace process?

Ranjit: The situation is now much more complex and difficult than before [the latest fighting in Jaffna peninsula between March and June in which the Sri Lankan army has suffered several reverses at the hands of LTTE]. The escalation of war has affected the peace process negatively. Any escalation in violence easily contributes to the ethnic emotional divide among the people.

The first condition for the peace process to start is to stop the war. That is what we have always stood for.

The peace negotiation is going to be very difficult. The only answer is compromise. Both sides cannot steamroll their way through. They have to learn the word “compromise” and to respect it in seeking a solution to the problem.

What kind of compromise?

Ranjit: Both the Sinhala side and the Tamils should compromise from their present positions. Certain positions have to be given up. I am firmly convinced that a unitary state will not be possible in a multi-ethnic society like ours.

Giving up the unitary state and moving towards the union of regions which the government has now proposed does not necessarily mean that we are going to be a divided country. This is an experience that has been tried out in other countries like Switzerland. They have four Cantons with their own local governments. I don’t know, if they can live as one country with one currency, one flag, and one national parliament, why cannot we have the same system.

Also, the LTTE too has to be ready to move from the position of separatism to the position of a federal or autonomous governing of the north and the east within a united Sri Lanka.

If that kind of a compromise can be made both from the Sinhala and Tamil sides, I think, a solution is possible.

Are you optimistic about it?

Ranjit: One thing is certain. Peace is possible. I am very optimistic. But as long as we go on delaying this process, the situation will become more and more complicated. Finally, more and more compromises will have to be made.

This problem can be solved only through the process of dialogue—a process of give and take within the parameters of a united Sri Lanka allowing for the maximum amount of autonomy for the northern and eastern provinces. It should be through the mediation of a third party whom both sides can trust and gradually regain the former position of friendship, understanding, and harmony between the two races.

What has been the impact of the prolonged conflict on Sri Lankan society?

Ranjit: Most people have realized that militarized conflict will only destroy our society, especially our moral culture. Recently, I took part in a panel discussion on TV with Buddhist monks. They clearly confirmed that their worry is not the war but the complete destruction of the moral value system in our country.

There is so much violence. There is so much of a gun culture, so much of a lack of respect for life which we cherished in the past. There are a whole lot of things —dishonesty in government structures to all levels of public life. The whole moral fabric is being infected with it. The consequences [of the war] are going to be with us much longer than after the settlement.

In the past, the police carried only batons. Now they all carry automatic guns. Now guns are not only in the hands of police but also of the underworld. We never heard of an underworld in Sri Lanka until the conflict began. The whole war is destroying our society. That is why the people would like to see a peaceful settlement to the war that is draining our resources.

Could you elaborate on the economic cost of the war?

Ranjit: At present, the war costs the government 60 billion rupees [US$ 800 million] annually. This is an amount that can build roads, provide water and electricity, develop schools and hospitals. This is burnt away on a senseless war killing our own people—the Tamils of Jaffna. They are our own people who have lived in this country for hundreds of years if not for thousands of years.

They [LTTE] are killing our own people. Sinhala people who lived in Jaffna have left behind their hotels and other business establishments. People in Colombo live in fear of bomb explosions.

We are burning ourselves and our precious resources. We are a third world country. We can not afford to waste all this money. This is a costly war for a poor country where more than half the population is living on food stamps [given by the government]. It is a scandal and a sin to continue this war.

What about the soldiers?

Ranjit: There is the terrible human cost of the war. Nearly 100,000 people have lost their lives. Besides, thousands of families have lost their bread winners. Many have been injured and disabled. Nearly a million people have been displaced due to the war with thousands living in refugee camps. The destruction of properties, houses, and other infrastructure is immense.

Joining the army in Sri Lanka is voluntary. But now, Sri Lankan youth are fed up with joining the army for the simple reason that all these years the battles have been fought mainly with a political agenda—to satisfy political requirements. It is very unfair.

Politicians start issuing statements with an eye on elections. For years, prime ministers and presidents gave speeches saying that in three months, six months the problem will be over. They have been giving time limits, targets and making the poor soldiers the cannon fodder without adequately training and preparing them. So the soldiers—most of them poor village boys —they will always say they are coming to fight but they are not motivated enough.

What lies at the root of the ethnic conflict?

Ranjit: This is a situation which is not a necessity; it could have been avoided. Until the 1950s, the majority Sinhala people and their culture suffered under the British. But that does not necessarily mean that when you are now in charge —being the majority—you start taking revenge on the minority. That is what has happened.

In 1956, the Sinhala [language]-Only bill was passed. Attempts to work out a compromise to satisfy the expectations of the Tamils was stalled under pressure from Sinhala extremists. A ceiling was also introduced on the seats highly literate Tamils could get in educational institutions. In addition, the government introduced a new law, making it mandatory to have the Sinhala first letter “Shri” on the number plates of vehicles. This led to Tamil protests, attacks and counter attacks. As a child, I saw it.

It is true that Tamil and Sinhala people are two different races, two different cultures—each one with its own culture and history. But you don’t try to thrash the other side. We need the brains and expertise of the Tamil people as well as the skills and talents of Sinhala people. We have made a mess of it.

How did this take the shape of civil war?

Ranjit: The problem has been festering over long periods of time. Attempts have been made to solve this by different political parties and governments, but they always failed because it had become an opportunity for the politicians and political parties to browbeat each other. They only thought of coming to power or staying in power, making use of the situation.

The problem went into the very body politic of the country. It became a cancer until the Tamil youth armed themselves and launched the open guerilla warfare. Now it is an open war practically between two armies. This is very unfortunate. In the 60s when we were children, we Sinhala people could go to Jaffna, Mannar, Trincomalee (in Tamil areas) and Tamils could come to the South. There were trains going this way and that way. The whole country was one. Now it is nearly two different countries. De facto, we have two different countries. But, we have made it two countries.

If we go on resisting negotiated settlement, what finally will happen will be the confirmation of these two countries. So, if we want to keep Sri Lanka a united country, then we have to negotiate and find a human way out of it, a spiritual and religious way out of it. But, if we continue this way and this violence, it will only lead to the division of this country. It will be very, very sad indeed.

Is that eventuality—if it takes place at all —acceptable to the Church?

Ranjit: No, definitely not. We are not for division. That is why we are saying, negotiate. Those who oppose negotiation are people who are for division. I will tell them that they are the ones who are working to divide this country. This is very unfortunate. They don’t understand that. Or they prefer not to understand. That is the problem.

One thing that has to be done is that we must put our brains behind our feelings. We have to think about the long term development and unity of this country. It is only through negotiated peaceful settlement—by agreeing to certain formulas by giving maximum devolution to northern and eastern provinces while keeping the unity of the country—that this problem can be solved.

A new constitution is being drafted as a part of the negotiated settlement. Is the Church happy with the changes the new constitution provides for?

Ranjit: With the new constitution, the government is seeking unanimity from opposition parties on the basic parameters for devolution of powers to the provinces. These are to be presented to the LTTE. Whether LTTE will accept it or insist on changes—these are to be decided on the negotiation table.

In any case, some of the provisions in the new constitution need to be modified.

Such as?

Ranjit: One is the appointment of the vice presidents. The new constitution provides for one Tamil and one Muslim vice president each. The Christian community will be left out. A Christian can never become president or vice president.

I find the whole proposal ridiculous. While you talk of equality, you insist that the president has to be a Sinhala Buddhist. I think anybody should be able to become the president and not on the basis of race or religion. This is against the principles of equality and democracy.

What would you suggest?

Ranjit: Let the guns stop first. You cannot expect a complete peace formula in six months. It is a 50-year-old problem. It needs more time. If you try to rush, you introduce certain things which are not the solutions but may cause more problems.

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