book reviews

Common ground
in the national culture war

One of the top stories on the American religious scene is the joint political efforts of Evangelicals and Catholics. Motivating this alliance is the recognition of a common ground in the national culture war. The outgrowth of a grassroots rapprochement was the joint 1994 statement Evangelicals and Catholics Together (ECT). ECT recognized both the strong theological differences separating the groups while acknowledging agreement on some central Christian doctrines which unite them in a common moral vision. The underlying presumption of ECT is that orthodox Christians have an obligation to combat the radical secularization of American society. Its raison d'être is the Lund Principle (named after the ecumenical gathering that formulated it) which pleads that the Christian counterattack be cooperative up to the limit that their convictions allow.

This collection of essays provides a trouve of information for sociologists, historians and theologians. Charles Colson's essay clearly pinpoints postmodernism's philosophy of deconstruction as eroding the central beliefs of the Judeo-Christian tradition and the State's growing anti-religious bias. He demonstrates how multiculturalism portrays truth as leading to a value free antinomian society with the transmogrification of the family and "defining deviancy down" as its main goal.

The Founders' vision for the role of religion in the American experiment as a moral guide is shown by George Weigel to have been marginalized by the Supreme Court over the past 50 years from Everson v. Board of Education through Kyrias Joel v. Grumit (1994). These rulings in effect view religion as detrimental to democracy, deserving no place in the public square; a far cry from the moral dialogue envisioned by the First Amendment. The Court's rulings, he contends, now allow for religious toleration at best and oftentimes downright hostility. Weigel believes that vital to ECT's success is an ecumenical dialogue based on the self-evident truths of Catholic Natural Law Theory and Calvin's insights on common grace.

The historic standoff between the two groups as well as recent friendly overtures are examined by church historian, Mark A. Noll. Noll presents some of the major writings and sermons produced on both sides in the centuries old polemic and points to recent cultural events, e.g., the legalization of abortion, the interdenominational appeal of the Charismatic movement, and the work of some major religious authors such as Henri Nouwen, Billy Graham and Thomas Merton as preparatory to ECT.

The last three essays present the inevitable next question of Church unity. The six models presented by Avery Dulles, while thought provoking, leave little hope for any corporate unity other than for parachurch activities due to a seemingly unbroachable dogmatic divide. The Petrine office ("Ut Unum Sint" notwithstanding), the mediation of grace through the sacraments, merit, and regeneration are sticking points which both J. I. Packer for the Evangelical side and Richard John Neuhaus for the Catholic side readily agree will require nothing less than divine intervention. The presentation of the theological debate ensuing from the Reformation based on the "three solas" and the references to Catholic doctrine presented in the Catechism of the Catholic Faith highlight the differences, clarify some misunderstandings, but refuse to gloss over problems in a no-holds-barred debate based on Scripture, Tradition and logic.

Perhaps the greatest insight and hope for future collaboration lies not only in a common political cause but in the recognition that evangelicals are now found across a broad spectrum of Christians from the free-Church tradition to high church Roman Catholic. It is within the context of the power of the Holy Spirit moving among ecclesial communions that all hope is based for future union.

With national elections this year and the important social and cultural issues at stake ECT and its organizational arm, the Christian Coalition and its counterpart the newly formed Catholic Alliance, offer a tremendous opportunity for Christians to join in a common mission to renew America by bringing religious values and vision to the public forum.

The theological debates as well as the presentation of what is corporately doable by the churches in the culture wars makes this book a must for all Christians.

Rev. Michael P. Orsi, Ed.D.

Camden, N.J.

The state of contemporary
biblical scholarship

Through the Church, God has given the Bible to his children as a source of spiritual nourishment-but there are some contemporary Scripture scholars who seemingly delight in handing out stones to those who are seeking bread. The still-continuing "Quest for the Historical Jesus" has generally proven to be not an encounter with the Risen Lord, but an effort by certain scholars to remake Christ in their own image and likeness. Not only do they disdain to recognize the truth themselves, but they make it difficult for others to discover and enter into its fullness, as well.

The Real Jesus, by Dr. Luke Timothy Johnson (a former Benedictine priest, and currently Professor of New Testament and Christian Origins at Emory University), is a much-needed critique and response to current trends in biblical scholarship. Dr. Johnson notes that much of the confusion in modern thought reflects the ancient debate between Protagoras, who proposed man as the measure of all things, and Plato, who insisted that God is the measure of reality. Christianity readily identifies with Plato's position, but ever since the Enlightenment, Western society has enshrined Protagoras's more subjective point of view. Within this framework, Scripture is seen not as part of an unchanging divine revelation, but as a malleable resource suitable for reinterpretation according to contemporary fashions and desires.

Additionally, the Protestant Reformation played a major (if unintended) role in the process of divorcing scriptural scholarship from the service of Christian faith. Luther's emphasis on Scripture as the sole font of revelation not only weakened the tradition of ecclesial interpretation of the Bible; it also gave rise to the assumption that one might appeal to the person of "the real Jesus" or to the life of the primitive Church in order to oppose later, "unhealthy" developments in Christianity (i.e., using the Bible against the Church which created and preserved it). The "historical critical" method, first used by German scholars in the 18th and 19th centuries, became, in many cases, a questioning of traditional Christian faith-often (especially in the 20th century) under the guise of "academic freedom." As a result, the efforts of many scholars can no longer be said to be at the service of the larger faith community-particularly not those individual Christians who might find scriptural insights to be of great value and assistance in their daily struggles and doubts.

Dr. Johnson asserts that biblical scholarship within Christianity is in critical condition; as a primary case in point, he offers the work of the "Jesus Seminar"-a small, self-appointed group of academics who meet regularly to discuss and debate the "Historical Jesus." These scholars, whose best-known members include Robert Funk, John Dominic Crossan, and Marcus Borg, use media-friendly gimmicks and promotions (e.g., color-coded "voting" on the likely historicity of scriptural sayings of Jesus) in their efforts to effect cultural and religious changes in competition with conservative Christians. These and other scholars, such as Episcopalian Bishop John Spong (whose writings evidence a profound distaste for Church dogma and structure), are engaged in a struggle over the self-definition and identity of Christianity.

According to Dr. Johnson, efforts to "reconstruct" the meaning of Jesus' life and ministry (quite often for the purpose of passing judgment on the Church's failings) are misguided and even worthless; attempts to "discover" the real Jesus by rearranging materials from the Gospels and various other sources seriously damage the Gospels' very meaning and message. The four canonical Gospels, along with other New Testament writings, all focus not so much on Jesus' words and deeds, as on the character of his life and death: one of radical obedience to God and of self-emptying love for other people. This message is shaped by the pattern of the Gospel narratives themselves, and attempts at alteration risk obscuring or even destroying it.

There is a place, Dr. Johnson believes, for legitimate historical inquiries into the origins of Christianity and the formation of the New Testament; however, such efforts must recognize that history is by its very nature limited in what it can describe of reality-for "Truth" is much larger than "History." Moreover, scriptural texts must also be approached with a respect for their anthropological, literary, and religious truths; in particular, the "real Jesus" must be seen and accepted not merely as an historical figure of 1st century Palestine, but as the Risen Lord who relates to believers of every age, including our own. Accordingly, Scripture scholars-particularly those training new generations of Church leaders in seminaries and schools of theology-have a responsibility not only to academia, but also to the Church itself, and above all, to God.

The Real Jesus is an excellent, highly-understandable commentary on the state of contemporary biblical scholarship, and will be of immense value to those who wish to acquaint themselves with current trends while also strengthening and deepening their faith in the Church's understanding of the Lord Jesus Christ.

Rev. Joseph M. Esper

Redford, Mich.

A Hydra of heresies

The author, who should have titled his book "Replacing Catholicism," is a professor of Religious Studies and the Director of University Ministry at DePaul University in Chicago, as well as a board member of Call to Action. His purpose in writing this book is to "reconstruct" Catholicism so as to make it appealing and meaningful for young adults, in particular, the members of the so-called Generation X, whose spiritual hunger goes unappeased in today's society. In particular, he believes that young Catholics see the Church as a declining institution which is no longer concerned with essential spiritual matters. The author's solution to the alienation of these young Catholics is not to evangelize them in the faith, but to construct a whole new religion which is heavily influenced by such thinkers as Teilhard de Chardin, Karl Rahner, Rosemary Ruether, and John Dominic Crossan.

At the base of this religion is a flawed Christology. The author describes Jesus as a "spirit person," a "revolutionary peasant," and a "teacher of wisdom" (pp. 64-7), who preached radical egalitarianism and the end of political, social, and religious hierarchies. He even describes Jesus as the "compassionate consciousness" of the cosmos (p. 200), but he never refers to him as the Son of God or the Second Person of the Trinity. Indeed, Ludwig believes that such terms as "Son of God," "Son of Man," "Christ," and "Messiah," were merely metaphors used by the Gospel writers to describe the way in which they and the early Christians experienced Jesus. His implicit denial of Christ's divinity is further evident from his statement, "The incarnation is not about a divine being external to the evolving universe suddenly breaking into the material realm" (p. 199).

To accompany his heretical Christology, Ludwig develops a non-Catholic ecclesiology and understanding of the sacraments. He proposes direct, personal experience of God as the "new authority" in spiritual matters (p. 45), and he asserts that this experience can only be impeded by the institutional Church with its rules and hierarchy. To replace the hierarchical Church, he proposes the establishment of an informal network of small faith communities, which he believes the early Church had been.

These communities make Jesus present through their "eucharistic action" when they gather together to symbolically break bread and drink wine (p. 114). The ministry and leadership of these communities are in the hands of the people. Thus, it is necessary to completely rethink the whole concept of ordination and not "simply extend the present problematic orders to women and married persons" (p.125). These communities must be dedicated to social revolution and egalitarianism since that is what Christ preached. Furthermore, they must end oppression against the earth itself since nature is now "the new poor" (p. 211).

Ludwig, in fact, sees no separation between the natural and the supernatural. Grace is not something supernatural bestowed by God and mediated through the Church, but a kind of radial energy found within each person. He believes that the universe itself is the bodily presence of God (p. 208) and that we achieve personal union with God by "embracing" the physical universe (p. 203). Salvation is not eternal life in heaven, but a transformed existence in this world. The image which he proposes to symbolize this new cosmic religion is that of the earth as seen from space.

The "reconstructed" Catholicism which Prof. Ludwig has formulated has little in common with the Catholic faith. It is a veritable Hydra of heresies, combining modernism with liberation theology, process theology, environmentalism and pantheism. Perhaps it was inevitable that Ludwig, like other contemporary modernists, would fall into the swamp of neo-paganism, having strayed so far from the truth. It is clear that Mr. Ludwig cannot lead young adults to Christ. One can only wonder why DePaul University thinks that he can.

Mary P. Schneider

Cleveland, Ohio

Liturgical history

Between the Council of Trent in the sixteenth century and the Second Vatican Council in the twentieth century, it is often said that nothing at all happened to the Roman liturgy. It was "frozen" for four centuries. James White calls that a "myth." Moreover he believes that there are no "bad" periods in liturgical history, "only those now unfashionable or out of favor." He devotes separate chapters to the Baroque age, the Enlightenment, the Romantic era, the second liturgical movement, and the age of reform, with a final chapter on the future of Roman Catholic worship.

A very drastic change in the late sixteenth century affected the church building itself. Until then practically all churches in Europe had a two-room plan: the nave and the chancel, with a roodscreen at the entrance to the chancel, and the altar at the other end. The chancel contained the choir stalls where the divine office was sung. All that changed with the coming of the Jesuits. They were allowed to read the divine office privately instead of singing it in choir, and therefore they didn't need the choir stalls.

Churches built in the "Jesuit" style had a one-room plan. Without the roodscreen and the choir stalls, the high altar was clearly visible to everyone. It became a monumental structure, and was no longer used just for the celebration of Mass. A tabernacle was now attached to the altar and devotion to the Blessed Sacrament was encouraged. And above the tabernacle was a "throne" where the monstrance was displayed at Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament. The pulpit also became a prominent furnishing on one side of the sanctuary. That was the normal arrangement down to our own day. It was not affected even by the Gothic Revival of the nineteenth century, except in Anglican churches.

At this point the author should have mentioned another significant change in our church buildings. Orientation was abandoned. All Christian churches had been built facing the east, except for some of the Roman basilicas, which faced west. The custom of praying toward the east goes back to Christian antiquity. In those churches, therefore, it is not correct to say that the priest officiated with his back to the people. Both priest and people prayed together facing the east. When the priest spoke to the people, at the Dominus vobiscum, for example, he turned to the people. On the other hand, when the pope officiated in the Roman basilicas, he had to stand behind the altar in order to face the east. That arrangement did not commend itself to the rest of the Christian world, despite the great prestige of the Roman church.

From now on, however, churches were often built without regard for orientation. Architects still refer to the church entrance as the "west front" and they site the altar at the "east end," but these terms do not necessarily correspond with the facts. Even so, it took the church another four centuries before the clergy decided to stand behind the altar and pray in the opposite direction.

The Council of Trent also ushered in another significant change: liturgical uniformity. That would have been impossible, or at least very difficult, before the invention of printing. Now that it was possible, it seemed like a very good idea. "In a world which welcomes cultural diversity today, this may seem an anomaly. But it had its appeal in terms of administrative efficiency and orthodoxy, if nothing else." If all Eastern Orthodox churches could use the Byzantine rite, why couldn't all Catholic churches use the (reformed) Roman rite? As it turned out, Rome allowed many exceptions. Some religious orders kept their own rites. The Benedictines used the Roman rite for the Mass, but kept the monastic rite for the divine ofice. And some regions also kept their own rites, such as Milan and Lyons. Later on the Neo-Gallican rites were introduced into the French dioceses.

With the reformed Roman books came a reformed Roman calendar. In response to complaints about the excessive number of feast days, they went back to the ancient calendar of Rome, with a very few additions (e.g., St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Francis of Assisi). But every country and every religious order could still keep their own calendar of local feast days. Until Vatican II the local feast days normally had precedence, but today, oddly enough, that is no longer the case. In Ireland, for example, the feast of St. Kevin, the patron saint of Dublin, was moved from June 3 to June 4 to make room for the Martyrs of Uganda. In England the feast of St. Augustine of Canterbury was moved from May 26 to May 27 to make room for St. Philip Neri.

These are just a few of the topics covered in the first chapter. In each of the following chapters there are sections on church architecture (from baroque to rococo to classical to Gothic to modern), liturgical developments (yes, there were such things), church music, preaching, public prayer, private devotions, etc. The author distinguishes between the first liturgical movement, from the 1830s to the end of World War II, and the second liturgical movement, from the end of World War II to Vatican II. He generally approves the reforms that followed Vatican II, except for the Liturgy of the Hours: "the chief failure of the revised books."

The last chapter, on the Future of Roman Catholic Worship, is the only one that could be called controversial. Not everyone will agree with his vision of the future, especially in regard to the ordained ministry of the Church.

Rev. Richard M. Nardone

Seton Hall University

South Orange, N.J.