News- Lebanan

In Danger of Extinction

The Land of the Cedars is effectively occupied by two nations: Syria and Israel

By José Navalpotro

A veteran French diplomat, Paul Blanc, recently published a book entitled Lebanon: Between War and Neglect. That title is a perfect reflection of the situation today in what was once "the Switzerland of the Middle East," and is now for all practical purposes a Syrian protectorate. With its national identity in question, Lebanan is gradually beginning to rebuild a peaceful society. Meanwhile, the Christian population--which for years had enjoyed relative security here--now is threatened from the outside by the overwhelming power of Islam, and from within by the erosion of traditional beliefs.

The Catholic Church in Lebanon faces challenges from every side: from the Islamic nations, which are offering badly needed financial aid; from the Western countries, which are exporting their own moral crisis; and from the multimillionair prime ministe Rafic Hariri, whose presence is felt everywhere in Lebanon today. Under those circumstances, how can Catholics respond? That was the main topic for discussion at a special synod of the Lebanese bishops, held in November of last year. The mere fact that such a synod was held to assess the pastoral needs of one country--when the next synod of 1996 will cover the entire continent of Asia--is testimony to the importance which the Holy See attaches to this unique country.

In the world of international affairs, the nation of Lebanon seems to have lost the power necessary to make its voice heard in public debates--even in debates about its own future. In the words of Ambassador Blanc, the Land of the Cedars "has been sacrificed to the imperialism of some, and the complicit indifference of others." That was the unhappy situation that resulted from the end (or at least the theoretical end) of the civil war in 1990.

Maronite Patriarch Nasrallas Sfeir, who was recently named to the college of cardinals by Pope John Paul II--speaks out clearly about his nation's fate:

Many people have said that the war which bloodied our country for seventeen years was a religious war, between Christians and Muslims. Others have said that it was a civil war, fought among the Lebanese people. But that is not true. It was a war fought by foreigners, on Lebanese soil... This was a war promoted by other peoples. The Christians and Muslims were manipulated, given arms and money, and encouraged to fight. And, to their shame, they did so.

The truth is that since 1976, Syrian President Hafez Assad has maintained approximately 40,000 troops inside Lebanon, occupying nearly three-fourths of the nation's territory. And since 1990 Assad has enjoyed nearly total control over the resources of Lebanon's government. He shows no signs of planning to withdraw, and the world's leading nations show no interest in pressing him to do so. The United States, which has been a powerful force throughout the region, apparently believes that the timetable for Syrian withdrawal is a matter that should be resolved between Damascus and Beirut; Washington does not regard this question as an important issue in the overall stablity of the Middle East, or a pivotal matter to be resolved in the Arab-Israeli peace process.

And if Syria controls three-fourths of Lebanon, the final fourth is in the hands of the Israelis, who continue to insist that the Lebanese army is incapable of providing the security they need for their people in the region of Gallilee against the Hezbollah terrorists who once made their bases in southern Lebanon. In negotiations with their Arab neighbors, Israeli leaders have never brought up the topic of UN Resolution 425, passed in 1978, which called upon their government to withdraw its troops from Lebanese soil.

HEZBOLLAH AND THE PALESTINIANS

Hezbollah is an Islamic movement that has grown up under the patronage the Ayatollah Khomeini's Iran; it was transplanted into Lebanon with the blessing of Syria's Assad. In the regions now occupied by Syria, the Hezbollah is the only militia which has not been completely disarmed; it enjoys a special prestige because of its role in the guerrilla war against Israel. The government of Lebanon has long sought to remove the Hezbollah bases, and replace the group's military presence with its own trained soldiers. But because of Hezbollah's influential supporters--in Damascus as well as in the southern villages--the government feels unable to take that step before settling a peace accord with Israel.

Paradoxically, the actions of the pro-Irani party have produced some notable benefits for the Israeli leadership. The repeated Hezbollah attacks on Israelis citizens provided a pretext for the Israeli advance into the southern section of Lebanon--an area known for its rich water resources. And the steady internecine battle between Hezbollah and the Amal movement--which is now lead by Nabih Berri, the leader of the Lebanese parliament--has divided the power of Islam, and thus served the purposes of the Muslims' common enemy, Israel.

One final complication in the quest to define Lebanon's national identity is the presence of more than 500,000 Palestinian refugees, who have been unable to find a permanent home in Israel, Jordan, or any of the neighboring Arab countries. These Palestinians, living primarily in refugee camps, add to the already enormous total of displaced people in this comparatively small country; the years of fighting have driven thousands of families away from their homes and villages. Altogether at least 700,000 of Lebanon's current inhabitants--a number equivalent to roughly one-fourth of the nation's total population--now qualify displaced persons.

Inevitably, it seems, the Palestinians will have no alternative but to settle permanently in Lebanon. Once a peace is finally concluded between Israel and the PLO, there will no longer be any incentive to provide for the repatriation of refugees. Unless Lebanon attempts to expel them--an action which other countries would certainly oppose--there will be no other choice but gradual naturalization. Since these Palestinians are mostly Muslims, their addition to the roster of voters in Lebanon will add a significant margin to an exiting Islamic majority. Today Christians constitute approximately 45 percent of the population, but that number is already falling, as many Lebanese Christians look for a more secure life in the West.

MUSLIMS AND CHRISTIANS TOGETHER

The situation that prevails today bears scant resemblance to the promise of peace and national integrity that seemed so secure on November 22, 1943, when Lebanon proclaimed its independence after 23 years of French rule. The leading politicians of the nation--the Maronite Catholic Béchara Khoury and the Muslim Riad Solh, president and prime minister of the new government, respectively--had pledged to bring the country together in a "national pact" which was not explicitly written down, but fully respected by all parties.

Among its other provisions, the "national pact" parceled out the nation's leading government posts among the leading religions. The president (who would control the armed forces) would be a Maronite Christian, the prime minister a Sunni Muslim, the head of parliament a Shi'ite. As each leader was replaced by a man of his own party, and the control of government cycled through the three leading religious groups, Lebanon proved remarkably stable. In the Middle East, where every sort of dictatorship found a home in the years after World War II, Lebanon was a solitary outpost of genuine and peaceful democracy.

The first major break in that enviable system came in 1989, as the result of negotiations aimed at ending the bloody civil war. In a new national accord signed in the town of Taez, under the aegis of American and Saudi sponsors, a set of "reforms" in the system of govenment allowed Muslims to accumulate more power. Some of the more ambitious Islamic leaders recognized an opportunity to consolidate their political gains, and gradually eliminate the Christian presence from the national government.

Catholic leaders were lukewarm, at best, toward the new agreement. Cardinal Sfeir put the question in sharp relief. Without a strong Christian presence in government, he asked, what would be the incentive to maintain an independent Lebanon? And without a clear agreement with their Muslim neighbors, how could a Christian minority in one small country expect to survive in an "Islamic ocean?"

Some Muslims, recognized the same dangers. Mohammed Chamseddine, the leader of Lebanon's Shi'ites, echoed the Maronite patriarch's concerns:

Our ability to live together, which forms the basis of Lebanon, is a treasure which should be preserved. If the Christians disappeared from Lebanon, this country would evolve into something which the world already knows, with predictable demographic characteristics. The Muslims of Lebanon completely share the sentiments of the Christians, who in turn realize that they cannot live without the Muslims.

THE INFLUENCE OF HARIRI

However, the Muslims who responded to the increasingly powerful influence of Syria had a different strategic plan, which called for their progressive domination of Lebanon. The rise to power of Prime Minister Hariri, a millionaire businessman who conducts the business of government as if it were another of his many private enterprises, has redoubled the ambitions of his Arab coreligionists. Under Hariri's regime, the financial aid which is flowing into the country from other Arabic nations is being directed toward institutions controlled by Muslims.

Naturally, then the predominantly Islamic regions of Lebanon are beginning to flourish. West Beirut today appears like a growing center for trade and finance, rather than a city shattered by civil war. The Beka'a Valley, home to a heavy concentration of Shi'ite Muslims, is also enjoying an economic boom. One Catholic priest, from a monastery in that region, observes: "All the services are first-rate. The pharmacies have all the latest medicines; the schools and hospitals are well equipped and staffed by qualified professionals."

A powerful group of financiers, with Hariri himself at its center, is scouting the country for promising capital investments. It is no longer unusual to hear that a blank check has been written by an investor determined to acquire a particular building, or a particular piece of land. Operating in that climate, Islamic fundamentalists have succeeded in gaining control of many large blocks of property in predominantly Christian neighborhoods; they have also achieved a complete stranglehold over the banking and broadcasting industries. In 1993, a group of 80 Italian Catholic organizations had seen enough to issue a statement of alarm about the "process of Islamification" of Lebanon.

After years of wartime suffering, Christians too are enjoying the benefits of peace. But unlike the Muslims of Lebanon, as they rebuild their own enterprises they are not motivated by any ambitions for conquest, nor are they inspired by the same prospects for quick economic gains.

THE ROLE OF CHRISTIAN POLITICIANS

Among the Christian leaders who remain active in Lebanon, there is a fervent desire for new negotiations. That desire is based on the recognition that they are rapidly losing their political influence. The principal institutions that could offer them access to power are now closed to Christians, or at least offer only the hope of a minor role.

General Michel Aoun, who once embodied the hope of Christians seeking to maintain their role in Lebanon, is now living in exile in France, unable to influence his nation's future. The historical leading Christian families are in decline. The Gemayel family has disappeared from the political arena; the Amins now live in the United States. Danny Chamoun was killed by terrorists, along with his wife and children, in 1990. His brother Dory, who succeeded him as head of the National Liberal Party, has been shaken by the assassination of his youngest son; he has been unable to mount the sort of sustained and strategic action that would give a sense of new hope to his followers.

For a time the most prominent Christian active in politics was Samir Geagea, head of the Force for Lebanon (FL). But he had been largely discredited among his fellow Christians because of the role he played in upholding the Taez agreement, and overcoming the resistance of General Aoun.

Actually, Geagea refused to participate in the current Lebanese government, although he was offered a senior position. And he spoke out forcefully against the discrimination that affects Christians. Finally, in March 1994 the government outlawed his FL party, and Geagea and several other party leaders were arrested, on the charge that they had engineered the bombing of a Catholic Church in Beirut earlier that year, as well as the assassination of Danny Chamoun. Those charges--lodged against a man who had already fallen into disfavor with many of his fellow Christians--made Geagea an ideal scapegoat. But, as the Catholic bishops of Lebanon pointed out in their public denunciation of the arrests, the government had produced no evidence to sustain the charges.

Throughout these years of declining Christian influence, the Catholic hierarchy has spoken out clearly in opposition to the new government's moves. Patriarch Sfeir, in particular, has repeatedly condemned the abuse of national power. In December 1994, meeting under the patriarch's guidance, the Maronite bishops lamented the fate of a nation which could not defend its own borders, and was subject to the demands of leaders abroad--in Syria and Israel.

As the November synod approached, Sfeir explained the purpose of the bishops' meeting: "The Pope wants to propose reconciliation among the people of Lebanon." At that synod the bishops agreed that their people must put their troubles in God's hands, and work in a spirit of poverty and humility to restore a just peace for their country.

THE FAMILY IN CRISIS

The bishops of Lebanon are worried about more than just the political decline of their people, however. The synod was also preoccupied with the welfare of the family. For generations, the Christians of Lebanon have survived one crisis after another, in large part because of their solid family life. Now that solid structure has become to crumble, under an onslaught of Western influences--conveyed with special force by the ever-present witness of television.

The law of Lebanon makes no provision for civil marriage; all weddings take place under religious auspices. Thus, since the Church does not allow divorce, that possiblity does not exist among Catholics. But the last several years have seen a proliferation of applications for annulments, which many Catholics mistakenly regard as the religious equivalent of divorce. Moreover, some Catholics have changed their affiliation to Orthodox churches which allow divorce.

The birth rate among Catholic families has risen marginally since the end of the war, reversing a long slide. But the number of births remains low. One urgent recommendation of the Lebanese synod was the establishment of a program of both spiritual and pastoral preparation for young couples planning marriage. And even before the synod, the preparation for that programs were beginning, with lay Catholics studying at the John Paul II Institute for the Family in Rome.

All things considered, the years of war have clearly not destroyed the religious vitality of Lebanon's Christians. In a sign of their determination to remain rooted in the nation's culture, the Maronites have recently completed a magnificent new cathedral--a church that is thoroughly modern in its construction, yet simultaneously quite faithful to the architectural traditions of their heritage.

Another positive sign is the growth in activity among lay Catholics, who are organizing themselves in charitable works, study sessions, and prayer groups. Bishop Georges Iskandar of Zahlé recently reported that in his diocese there were ten new lay apostolates seeking official Church recognition, while 46 other groups were already enrolled on the diocesan lists.

One final sentiment unites the Catholics of Lebanon today: their hope that their country will soon see a pastoral visit by Pope John Paul--a visit that has been the subject of increasingly frequent rumors during the past year. "He told me that the trip from Rome to Beirut is not a long one," said Patriarch Sfeir; "what takes a long time is the preparation."

José Navalpotro is an editor of Palabra, a monthly magazine based in Madrid, in which this article originally appeared. The article appears here in translation with the generous permission of Palabra.

A PEACE AS COSTLY AS WAR?

Since the formal conclusion of a peace treaty on October 13, 1990, many episodes have borne testimony to the steadily diminishing influence of Christians in Lebanon.

1990:

October- Danny Chamoun, the key leader among Maronite Christians, is assassinated, along with his family

1991:

May- Patriarch Sfeir denounces the Syria-Lebanon pact, saying that it compromises the nation's sovereignty and undermines the "national pact" of 1943.

August- General Michel Aoun, the latest Christian leader to emerge as a national power, is sent into exile in France, and prohibited from returning to Lebanon for five years.

1992:

September- Catholics organize a boycott of legislative elections; between 70 and 85 percent of all Catholics refuse to participate.

1993:

May- Anti-Catholic rioting breaks out in the region of Chouf. The bishops of Lebanon speak out against the purchase of lands in Christian neighborhoods, which they point out is changing the demographic face of the nation.

June- Three terrorists die in the premature explosion of a bomb they were setting at the site of a meeting of Orthodox and Catholic bishops.

October- Christian political leaders are the targets in a series of arrests; several are taken to Damascus and held there.

December- A Christian cemetary is desecrated in Mansourieh, and pamphlets appear warning Christians that they should not celebrate Christmas.

1994:

January- In his annual address to the diplomatic corps at the Vatican, Pope John Paul says, "I think in particular of Lebanon, whose sovereignty and unity can no longer be taken for granted."

February- A bomb placed in a Catholic Church explodes during Mass, killing eight worshippers; the terrorist act following several days after the massacre of Muslims by an Israeli extremist in Hebron.

July- The Maronite bishops issue a new warning about the loss of equilibrium between Christians and Muslims in the nation's government.